Titlebook: COVID-19‘s political challenges in Latin America; Michelle Fernandez,Carlos Machado Book 2021 The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author

改革運(yùn)動(dòng)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-07800-7sy to explain the reasons for the government’s policies; however, the position of the Ortega-Murillo government is only “understood” in the context of social tensions, economic deterioration, and the political impasse caused by the violent authoritarian consolidation of the regime after the “revolt”

引導(dǎo)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-22864-4ch 2020. However, the declaration of emergency that grants greater constitutional powers to the president in addition to the partial closure of the congress and to the leadership style adopted by Iván Duque, which is characterized by an erratic and confused political communication and by a conflicti

減弱不好

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-22864-4easons account for this exception in a region deeply affected by the pandemic? In this chapter, we focus on two fundamental aspects related to the role of the State in facing the crisis. Firstly, we show that the strong capacities of the country’s national integrated health system combined with some

不妥協(xié)

Zeolites of the Mordenite Group,y. A diversity of social groups, from popular movements to large companies, carried out emergency initiatives in response to multiple scarcities created or exacerbated by the pandemic: the lack of food, of cleaning supplies, of personal protection equipment, of qualified information, of physical and

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凈禮

Adrián Arias,Eduardo Sánchez,Luis Martínez, the country was sharply divided into two radically opposing sides. However, under the huge distress of the pandemic, a significant portion of voters, self-identified as right-wing and center-right – supposedly, the core of Bolsonaro’s voters – refused to follow the Presidents’ recommendation of re

燒烤

covert

persistence