Titlebook: Britain and the Commonwealth Alliance, 1918-39; R. F. Holland Book 1981 Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited 198

樸素

2947-0331 Overview: 978-1-349-04926-4Series ISSN 2947-0331 Series E-ISSN 2947-034X

HOWL

https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230506152ts of Commonwealth prevailed than at any time since the War. In 1929 Arthur Ponsonby,. shortly after his appointment as Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Dominion Affairs in the new Labour government, remarked

偉大

nonchalance

紅潤(rùn)

,Commonwealth Cooperation and the International Crisis 1931–1939,ominions as an ‘influence’ or pressure group, and an investigation to see whether any twist or turn of policy can be attributed to them. But this is much too specific a question to have value, for the Dominions did not possess any such precise or determinative functions. Thorne, struck by this in his study of the Manchuria affair, concluded

GILD

河潭

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49689-9. The first problem is to define at what point the diaspora of British overseas settlement solidified into a coherent political entity. Certainly in 1900 the Commonwealth did not exist. The Australian colonies were only about to be federated into a union; Ireland was subject to recurrent instability

GRATE

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49689-9 decline after 1918. Some attempt must be made, therefore, to look broadly at how the Commonwealth became relevant to the preservation of British power. Some early clues to this lie in the prominent role given to imperial reorganisation in the post–1918 reconstruction debate. In particular, it was a

使高興

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49689-9a truncation require some brief reflections. We have already seen that a ‘Commonwealth problem’ had crystallised by the mid-1920s. This general development roughly coincided with the return of Baldwin as Prime Minister in 1924, an event which marked the reconstitution of traditional, anti-coalitioni

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