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標(biāo)題: Titlebook: Direct Democracy and Minorities; Wilfried Marxer (Political Scientist, Directors) Book 2012 VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften | Springer [打印本頁(yè)]

作者: Spouse    時(shí)間: 2025-3-21 19:54
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書(shū)目名稱(chēng)Direct Democracy and Minorities讀者反饋學(xué)科排名





作者: 羽毛長(zhǎng)成    時(shí)間: 2025-3-21 21:15

作者: MANIA    時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 03:34
Wilfried Marxer (Political Scientist, Directors)Specialist Researches‘ Views on Direct Democracy and its Future in Complex Societies.Including Case Studies of Various Countries.The third volume of the series "Direct Democracy in Modern Europe"
作者: ALIEN    時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 05:12

作者: 有惡意    時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 10:06

作者: 集聚成團(tuán)    時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 16:12

作者: 集聚成團(tuán)    時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 20:03

作者: 慢跑    時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 23:44
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-010-3614-6eir effect on this relationship has not been examined in detail so far. The tension became even more obvious during the last decade when states with direct-democratic institutions had to face problems over popular initiatives that challenged human or fundamental civil rights – for instance over the
作者: Spangle    時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 01:56

作者: 大吃大喝    時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 08:43
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-010-3614-6 focuses on direct democracy in different sub-national legal and political frameworks. It applies a comparative approach in assessing direct-democratic instruments as a mechanism for institutional change and as a governance tool for participatory political decision-making. This given the fact that b
作者: 提煉    時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 11:18

作者: 無(wú)能力    時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 14:29
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73730-0ct between popular decision-making by initiative and referendum and the requirement of interethnic consociational democratic procedures? The article focuses on the existing tension and supposed contradictions between procedures of direct democracy (initiative and referendum) and the protection of th
作者: uncertain    時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 20:46
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73730-0 and the popular referendum at the level of the US states endangers the interests of structurally weak minorities. The pass rate for propositions concerning structurally weak minorities is considerably higher than the success rate for initiatives in general. Nevertheless, the American experience doe
作者: 跟隨    時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 00:34
Pentecostalism in the Sub-Sahara provided for a constitutional safeguard, requiring only a simple majority to legitimise constitutional change. Yet an examination of its adjudication of three different issues shows no empirical connection between the referendum as a decision-making method, and majority rule. Rather party politics
作者: 極為憤怒    時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 04:31
https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137027504this event as clear evidence for the negative effects of direct democracy on minority rights. This book chapter investigates whether there are similar effects observable in Switzerland before the minaret ban, by reviewing recent literature in this research area. The results are ambivalent. On the on
作者: 組成    時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 09:39
Independence, Islamism, and Modernity the people and the power of the prince. The people exerts its power through representative organs on the one hand – a single chamber parliament and an indirectly elected government – and by direct-democratic rights on the other. Of the direct-democratic rights the most important are the binding and
作者: 補(bǔ)助    時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 14:12
Independence, Islamism, and Modernitye first part of this article examines the functions and effects of direct democracy in general and in theory. When considering the effects of direct democracy on politics, the formation of state and society, the political habitus, and the public sphere, it is important to distinguish between the dif
作者: 體貼    時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 17:09
https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137027504n argued that people’s rights show indirect effects in addition to the mere results of popular votes. Thus, popular votes are not only decision-making processes, they also have indirect effects on the political system, most notably the activation of a public debate about social issues. The present s
作者: Annotate    時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 19:12
https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137027504 of pledging popular votes on Europe in other countries. In particular, such transnational spillovers may work through two pathways: they affect the standards of what counts as appropriate ways of deciding European issues in other countries’ domestic arenas and they intensify the party political con
作者: 債務(wù)    時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 01:02

作者: 雇傭兵    時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 06:57
The Emergence of Direct Democracy – a Typological Approachnce of direct democracy: deep internal conflict, national independence, and system transformation, and their possible links to some typical profiles of direct democracy design. In a first illustration we will discuss the positions of minorities in different institutional settings of direct democracy and how they relate to various emergence models.
作者: 個(gè)人長(zhǎng)篇演說(shuō)    時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 10:05

作者: EXUDE    時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 13:17

作者: chronology    時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 18:48

作者: 側(cè)面左右    時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 22:44
Book 2012ocess offers extra channels for citizen participation and thus represents an important supplementary institution in modern democracies. This third volume of the series Direct Democracy in Modern Europe focuses on directdemocratic decisions on minority affairs. The main question is whether direct dem
作者: 整理    時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 02:53
Is the Irish Referendum a Majoritarian Device? of three different issues shows no empirical connection between the referendum as a decision-making method, and majority rule. Rather party politics determine whether the referendum works as a majoritarian device. The article concludes with a reflection on its place in the Irish democratic system.
作者: crescendo    時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 07:04

作者: 微塵    時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 08:40
Liesegang Rings, Spirals and Helicesighbours Hungary and the Kingdom of the Southern Slavs in the wake of World War I. In addition to stabilizing the war-torn region, the plebiscites can also be seen as an early realization of the concept of good governance long before this idea entered the political vocabulary.
作者: VALID    時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 12:41

作者: 脫毛    時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 20:41
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-010-3614-6s discussion can be fruitful not only for the Swiss and US debates on the relationship between direct democracy and the rule of law, but also for other countries planning to introduce or to enhance direct-democratic institutions, such as Germany. The conclusions indicate that direct democracy has to
作者: 終端    時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 22:12
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-010-3614-6used to decide the status of a given territory, can often exacerbate such conflicts. I conclude that if such a referendum is held in deeply divided societies in which state institutions are weak and the state’s capacity to maintain a monopoly over the use of force is challenged, there is a high risk
作者: 身心疲憊    時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 01:41

作者: 反省    時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 08:09
Library of Philosophy and Religionnts of the overall system of political decision-making, which regulates the interaction between direct and representative democracy: There are mechanisms for safeguarding the rights of the political minorities on both the input and output sides of the referendum process. On the input side, the Natio
作者: Assemble    時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 12:29

作者: emulsify    時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 15:39
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73730-0 more effective if courts applied both a comprehensive pre-election review and stricter standards of review with regard to more minority groups, and if constitutional initiatives required a 2/3 majority for passage. Further safeguards are to be recommended. If direct legislation is designed in such
作者: 變形詞    時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 21:07

作者: 粘連    時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 22:55
Independence, Islamism, and Modernityhe Jura conflict as an example of how direct democracy has worked in practice. In the course of the Jura conflict direct democracy turned out to be an indispensable tool of conflict regulation, and indeed conflict resolution, which is still ongoing. In describing the events emphasis is placed on the
作者: 性行為放縱者    時(shí)間: 2025-3-28 03:25

作者: Systemic    時(shí)間: 2025-3-28 06:50
https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137027504ebiscitary politics in European integration. A case study on the 2004 pledges of the British and French governments to put the European Constitution to a popular vote serves to provide some empirical evidence for these transnational dynamics at work.
作者: 側(cè)面左右    時(shí)間: 2025-3-28 11:36

作者: dermatomyositis    時(shí)間: 2025-3-28 16:59

作者: 厚顏無(wú)恥    時(shí)間: 2025-3-28 22:49
The Plebiscites in Carinthia and Sopron-?denburg after World War I – two Cases of Direct Democracy iighbours Hungary and the Kingdom of the Southern Slavs in the wake of World War I. In addition to stabilizing the war-torn region, the plebiscites can also be seen as an early realization of the concept of good governance long before this idea entered the political vocabulary.
作者: UTTER    時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 02:35

作者: 阻塞    時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 05:12

作者: 安心地散步    時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 09:14

作者: BUCK    時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 12:07

作者: Malleable    時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 15:43

作者: 表示向下    時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 23:30
Direct Democracy and Linguistic Minorities in Switzerland and South Tyrol – A Comparisonights to direct political participation, enshrined in Italy’s constitutions and South Tyrol’s statute of autonomy, might be brought into concordance with the need to respect the equality of rights of linguistic groups within a multilingual polity, an issue which is currently being debated in South T
作者: 共同時(shí)代    時(shí)間: 2025-3-30 00:35

作者: 卵石    時(shí)間: 2025-3-30 05:45

作者: Vsd168    時(shí)間: 2025-3-30 08:42
Use of Direct Democracy in the Jura Conflicthe Jura conflict as an example of how direct democracy has worked in practice. In the course of the Jura conflict direct democracy turned out to be an indispensable tool of conflict regulation, and indeed conflict resolution, which is still ongoing. In describing the events emphasis is placed on the
作者: 量被毀壞    時(shí)間: 2025-3-30 15:39

作者: 開(kāi)始從未    時(shí)間: 2025-3-30 18:10

作者: Liberate    時(shí)間: 2025-3-31 00:07

作者: 證明無(wú)罪    時(shí)間: 2025-3-31 01:50
Popular Votes and Independence for Montenegrobecame a Kingdom in 1910, but was integrated into the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1918. After this integration, the population was divided between the supporters of independence and those in favour of very close cooperation with Serbia, potentially as far as integration. After the break
作者: TEN    時(shí)間: 2025-3-31 08:09

作者: 起波瀾    時(shí)間: 2025-3-31 11:55

作者: stress-response    時(shí)間: 2025-3-31 13:52
The Disruptive Potential of Direct Democracy in Deeply Divided Societies independent. I first identify two fundamentally different sub-types of such a referendum: the referendum-as-a-weapon, which is a device used by political elites to augment their own powers, and the referendum-as-a-solution, which is a device agreed to by all sides as part of a conflict resolution p
作者: 制定    時(shí)間: 2025-3-31 21:31
Ethnic Governance and Direct Democracy: Perils and Potential focuses on direct democracy in different sub-national legal and political frameworks. It applies a comparative approach in assessing direct-democratic instruments as a mechanism for institutional change and as a governance tool for participatory political decision-making. This given the fact that b
作者: 毀壞    時(shí)間: 2025-4-1 00:03

作者: pulse-pressure    時(shí)間: 2025-4-1 05:38
Direct Democracy and Linguistic Minorities in Switzerland and South Tyrol – A Comparisonct between popular decision-making by initiative and referendum and the requirement of interethnic consociational democratic procedures? The article focuses on the existing tension and supposed contradictions between procedures of direct democracy (initiative and referendum) and the protection of th
作者: BLAND    時(shí)間: 2025-4-1 08:40

作者: CALL    時(shí)間: 2025-4-1 11:08
Is the Irish Referendum a Majoritarian Device? provided for a constitutional safeguard, requiring only a simple majority to legitimise constitutional change. Yet an examination of its adjudication of three different issues shows no empirical connection between the referendum as a decision-making method, and majority rule. Rather party politics




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